1. Leadership and Transformation 2. Reflective Journal Assignment

1. Administration and Transformation 2. Intelligent Journal - Assignment Example My change has fundamentally been affected by this unit. I have understood that a pioneer ought to be somebody who goes about as a good example to different colleagues. Along these lines, my center has been to concocted viable procedures that envelop the commitment of all the colleagues. Along these lines, I have displayed them so that once they achieve a place of turning into a pioneer they will likewise make a solid group (Hemphill, 1949). In light of my target of making a solid collaboration, my correspondence with colleagues consistently been open. This suggests I furnish my colleagues with chances to give criticism. Along these lines, I have been changed from going on and on to a decent audience (Schultz, et al. 2010). Along these lines, different individuals from the group can remark and conceivably give a thought on the best way to address a specific issue either influencing the whole group or an individual part (Robert, 2002). As showed in this unit, a decent pioneer ought to perceive and compensate persevering colleagues who achieve their objectives. Independently, I have been changed as in I can set my own objective just as those of the other colleagues (House, 1971). I advance and prize any part who accomplishes their objectives while the individuals who don't perform I train them on the best way to embrace their obligations. As a pioneer, the transformational experience will impact me as a pioneer and an administrator in different manners. To start with, my administration methodology will currently be majority rule. Along these lines, I will be in a situation to furnish my colleagues with sufficient ground whereby they will be an integral part of the association (Montana and Bruce, 2008). Another perspective that I will copy as an administrator is to give the colleagues a chance to create (Lussier and Achua, 2010). Aside from permitting them to go to low maintenance administration courses, I will start an in

Characteristics of Orientalism Essay Example for Free

Attributes of Orientalism Essay There are a few contrasts between the Arab and Muslim gatherings. The reality is that Arabs are an ethnic gathering and Muslims are a strict gathering. A Muslim is an individual who rehearses the Islam religion. On the planet, most Muslims are not really Arabs and most Arabs are not really Muslims. â€Å"Orientalism is the oversimplified perspective on the individuals and history of the Orient, with no acknowledgment of progress after some time or the decent variety inside its numerous cultures† (Schaefer, 2006). This term is a distortion of individuals from the East by those in the West. One trademark is generalizing the distinction in strict articulation. Separation and partiality are different attributes of orientalism. For instance, the overemphasis of Arab and Muslim ladies wearing face cloak in the media. This is viewed as mistreating ladies yet the history behind it isn't being told. After the 9/11 assaults, the USA Patriot Act, which was passed in October 2001, had explicit arrangements that censured victimization Arab and Muslim Americans. This demonstration was amended in light of the fact that it had been blamed for adding to the dread inside the Arab and Muslim people group. Sadly, all approaches were not changed in a positive manner. The U. S. Branch of Justice required all outside brought into the world Muslim men to answer to the Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services. They must be fingerprinted, shot, and met. There are a few things that people can do to advance resistance and decrease partiality in their towns and urban communities. One approach to accomplish this is by rewarding everybody similarly. Another approach to diminish bias is by teaching ourselves about a person’s culture. On the off chance that we can increase a comprehension of an individual’s social foundation, we are opening up our brains to understand that those that we consider â€Å"different† may have comparable perspectives. Qualities of Orientalism. (2018, Oct 13).

Why Grad Schools Require Your Undergraduate Transcript

Why Grad Schools Require Your Undergraduate Transcript Its simple to become involved with the alumni affirmations process. Candidates to graduate school are frequently (and properly) overpowered by the most testing pieces of the procedure, such as moving toward personnel for suggestion letters and creating confirmations expositions. Notwithstanding, the seemingly insignificant details like school transcripts additionally matter in your master's level college application. No entrance advisory board will acknowledge a deficient alumni application. A late or missing transcript may appear to be an imbecilic motivation to get a dismissal letter, yet it occurs. Sadly, understudies with heavenly qualifications arent even considered by entrance advisory boards at their fantasy graduate projects on account of aâ forgotten transcript or one that is lost in snail mail. Solicitation All Transcripts Your application isn't finished until the foundation gets your official transcript from the entirety of your undergrad organizations. That implies that you should send a transcript from each organization that you have joined in, regardless of whether you didn't win a degree.â Official Transcripts Are Sent by Colleges Dont even consider sending an informal transcript or a print out of your school record instead of a transcript. An official transcript is sent legitimately from your undergrad school or college to the school(s) to which you’re applying and bears the school seal. In the event that you went to more than one establishment, you should demand an official transcript from every organization you joined in. Indeed, this can get expensive. What Do Admissions Committees Look for in Transcripts? In analyzing your transcript, entrance advisory boards will think about the accompanying: Your general GPA and check of your genuine GPA contrasted with what you gave an account of your affirmations documentsQuality of the undergrad institutionBreadth of courseworkCoursework in your major: Your evaluations in your significant branch of knowledge and particularly in the upper division courses and inside the previous two yearsPatterns of execution and improvement on the off chance that you didn't have a solid beginning Solicitation Transcripts Early​Prevent accidents by arranging ahead. Request your transcripts from the enlistment centers office early in light of the fact that most workplaces take a couple of days, seven days, and at times much more opportunity to process your solicitation. Additionally, get that on the off chance that you hold up until the finish of the Fall semester to demand transcripts they might be postponed as most workplaces close for these special seasons (now and then taking an all-encompassing break). Spare yourself melancholy and solicitation transcripts early. Also,â include a duplicate of your informal transcript with your application and a note that the official transcript has been mentioned so entrance advisory boards have something to audit until the official duplicate shows up. Just a few entrance advisory boards may survey an informal transcript and hang tight for the official form (this is particularly improbable in serious alumni programs), yet its value a shot.

History of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Capitol

History of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Capitol Santo Domingo, theâ capital city of the Dominican Republic, is the most seasoned consistently occupied European settlement in the Americas, having been established in 1498 by Bartholomew Columbus, sibling of Christopher. The city has a long and captivating history, having been deceived by privateers, overwhelm by slaves, re-named by a despot and that's only the tip of the iceberg. It is where history becomes animated, and the Dominicans are fairly glad for their status as the most established European city in the Americas. Establishment of Santo Domingo Santo Domingo de Guzmn was really the third settlement on Hispaniola. The first, Navidad, comprised of nearly 40 mariners who were abandoned by Columbus on his first journey when one of his boats sank. Navidad was cleared out by irate locals between the first and second journeys. At the point when Columbus returned on his subsequent journey, he established Isabela, close to introduce day Luperã ³n toward the northwest of Santo Domingo. Conditions at Isabela were not ideal, so Bartholomew Columbus moved the pioneers to introduce day Santo Domingo in 1496, authoritatively committing the city in 1498. Early Years and Importance The main provincial senator, Nicols de Ovando, showed up in Santo Domingo in 1502 and the city was authoritatively the home office for the investigation and victory of the New World. Spanish courts and bureaucratic workplaces were set up, and a large number of homesteaders went through on their approach to Spain’s newfound grounds. Huge numbers of the significant occasions of the early frontier time, for example, the successes of Cuba and Mexico, were arranged in Santo Domingo. Theft The city before long ran into some bad luck. With the triumph of the Aztecs and Inca complete, a considerable lot of the new pioneers wanted to go to Mexico or South America and the city deteriorated. In January of 1586, infamous privateer Sir Francis Drake had the option to effectively catch the city with under 700 men. The greater part of the occupants of the city had fled when they heard Drake was coming. Drake remained for a monthâ until he had gotten a payment of 25,000 ducats for the city, and when he left, he and his men stole away all that they could, including the congregation ringers. Santo Domingo was a seething ruin when he left. The French and Haiti Hispaniola and Santo Domingo set aside a long effort to recuperate from the privateer assault, and in the mid-1600s, France, exploiting the still-debilitated Spanish safeguards and searching for American states of its own, assaulted and caught the western portion of the island. They renamed it Haiti and acquired a large number of African slaves. The Spanish were feeble to stop themâ and withdrew toward the eastern portion of the island. In 1795 the Spanish had to surrender the remainder of the island, including Santo Domingo, to the French because of wars among France and Spain after the French Revolution. Haitian Domination and Independence The French didn't possess Santo Domingo for exceptionally long. In 1791, African slaves in Haiti revolted, and by 1804 had tossed the French out of the western portion of Hispaniola. In 1822, Haitian powers assaulted the eastern portion of the island, including Santo Domingo, and caught it. It wasn’t until 1844 that a decided gathering of Dominicans had the option to drive the Haitians back, and the Dominican Republic was free just because since Columbus originally set foot there. Common Wars and Skirmishes The Dominican Republic had developing torments as a country. It continually battled with Haiti, was reoccupied by the Spanish for a long time (1861-1865), and experienced a progression of presidents. During this time, pioneer time structures, for example, cautious dividers, places of worship, and the Diego Columbus house, were dismissed and fell into ruin. American contribution in the Dominican Republic expanded enormously after the development of the Panama Canal: it was expected that European forces could hold onto the trench utilizing Hispaniola as a base. The United States involved the Dominican Republic from 1916 to 1924. The Trujillo Era From 1930 to 1961 the Dominican Republic was managed by a despot, Rafael Trujillo. Trujillo was renowned for self-glorification, and renamed a few places in the Dominican Republic after himself, including Santo Domingo. The name was changed back after his death in 1961. Santo Domingo Today Present day Santo Domingo has rediscovered its underlying foundations. The city is at present experiencing a travel industry blast, and numerous pioneer time chapels, fortresses, and structures have as of late been remodeled. The provincial quarter is an incredible spot to visit to see old engineering, see a few sights and have a feast or a virus drink.

Folate Supplementation In Food Essay

For the most part, fortress of nourishments have demonstrated valuable to individuals over the previous years as it reestablishes the supplements that may have been lost in food handling and furthermore improves the nutrients that the food contain. Instances of food stronghold incorporate the expansion of Vitamin C, to an orange beverage, Vitamin D to dairy items, and Vitamins B1 and B2 to bread, among numerous others. Be that as it may, while food fortress is commonly viewed as useful to buyers, an ongoing article, Folic Acid Fortification: One Size May Not Fit It All, which was distributed in Natural News. com, demonstrated that nourishments invigorated with folic corrosive increment the danger of colon disease. While I am in by and large for the stronghold of nourishments, the article made me reconsider before expending food sources that are high in folic corrosive. Despite the fact that the article indicated that folic corrosive had various advantages, especially the 20 percent decrease of birth imperfections of the spinal line and the focal sensory system, it despite everything had wellbeing dangers which, for me, ought to be extraordinarily considered before taking in nourishments that are high in folic corrosive. Likewise, despite the fact that the quantity of advantages exceed the dangers while devouring food that are strengthened with folic corrosive, I accept that food producers, nutritionists and individuals from the wellbeing segment should additionally lead a shared and inside and out investigation on folic corrosive invigorated nourishments before they are made accessible for open utilization. The discoveries of the investigation ought to be then appeared to the general population with the goal that individuals know about the dangers of eating an over the top certain food. Another choice which I accept would extraordinarily stay away from the dangers of expending food braced with folic corrosive is the adjustment of food naming. At present, food marking is required. In any case, it just shows the measure of supplements, starches, calories, cholesterol, and different substance of the food and not the dangers related with it. In such manner, I would suggest that food makers mark invigorated nourishments which contain substances that have realized wellbeing dangers so that the individuals or purchasers can perceive what precisely the dangers are. For instance, if a food is high in folic corrosive, which were appeared to expand the dangers of colon malignant growth, its name ought to plainly show that an excess of utilization of this food can prompt the colon disease or ought to at any rate contain an admonition. Moreover, I likewise trust one approach to diminish the dangers of expending nourishments invigorated with folic corrosive, is for the administration to make the open progressively mindful of the specific substance of the food and the threats related with them. By the by, the article expressed that lone the individuals who devour an excess of food braced with folic corrosive are in danger for colon disease, which implies that these sorts of food are generally protected whenever expended respectably. The reality is individuals ought to consistently know about the specific substance of the food they are eating so as to stay away from conceivable wellbeing dangers.

As a Decade Fades

As a Decade Fades Purchase People don’t know how to love the ones they love until they disappear from their lives. As he approaches thirty, Jody Grafton’s career as a singer-songwriter falls apart: he loses his record deal, his money, his fameâ€"even his desire to create new music. While he stares at the rubble of his one-hit-wonder musical career, his mother is diagnosed with lung cancer, his marriage ends abruptly, and Jody starts drinking heavily to deaden his new reality. When he hasn’t a single reason left to live, he attempts suicide and ends up in a psych ward where he’s prodded with questions he isn’t yet prepared to answer. Amid the tailspin, Jody receives a phone call from his recently estranged girlfriend and she has unexpected news: she’s pregnant. As a Decade Fades begins with this phone call. As his twenties twilight, Jody Grafton grapples with loneliness, depression, lust, and infatuation while glancing at the mounting wreckage in his rearview. When he can’t fitâ€"or forceâ€"the pieces of his life back together, he leaves his native Ohio to search for answers in the most unlikely of places. Read Joshua Fields Millburns personal message about the book. Purchase Paperback:  Amazon   ·  Barnes Noble Ebook:  Kindle   ·  iBooks   ·  Nook   ·  Kobo   ·  Google Play   · PDF As a Decade Fades Purchase People don’t know how to love the ones they love until they disappear from their lives. As he approaches thirty, Jody Grafton’s career as a singer-songwriter falls apart: he loses his record deal, his money, his fameâ€"even his desire to create new music. While he stares at the rubble of his one-hit-wonder musical career, his mother is diagnosed with lung cancer, his marriage ends abruptly, and Jody starts drinking heavily to deaden his new reality. When he hasn’t a single reason left to live, he attempts suicide and ends up in a psych ward where he’s prodded with questions he isn’t yet prepared to answer. Amid the tailspin, Jody receives a phone call from his recently estranged girlfriend and she has unexpected news: she’s pregnant. As a Decade Fades begins with this phone call. As his twenties twilight, Jody Grafton grapples with loneliness, depression, lust, and infatuation while glancing at the mounting wreckage in his rearview. When he can’t fitâ€"or forceâ€"the pieces of his life back together, he leaves his native Ohio to search for answers in the most unlikely of places. Read Joshua Fields Millburns personal message about the book. Purchase Paperback:  Amazon   ·  Barnes Noble Ebook:  Kindle   ·  iBooks   ·  Nook   ·  Kobo   ·  Google Play   · PDF

Tips To Get The Most Out Of A College Visit

HomeApplyCampus visits10 Important Tips To Get The Most Out Of Your College VisitThis page may contain affiliate links.Dec 31, 2019 For high school juniors and their families, if its spring break, or the period leading up to it, its most likely college tour planning or attendance time. Visiting schools online has its own benefits, but seeing a school in person can really help narrow down a student’s top choices. Its a good bet that an up close and personal visit will ultimately provide information that will prove helpful when completing applications and essays. But what you do while visiting a school is equally important. Here are our 10 most important tips that will get you on the right track. Think of it as your college visit checklist. Where to Go and What to Do on a College Visit #1 It may seem obvious but phone/check out the website first. Some schools require prospective applicants to reserve a spot in the information session and tour. Since information sessions and tour times vary seasonally, confirming the time will prevent mix-ups. While you have them on the phone, make sure you are on the school’s mailing list and find out about the other resources available to prospective students. Finally, check to see that classes will be in session (and students will be on campus) when you visit #2 Listen for key words. Whenever representatives from the school talk, especially at information sessions, listen to the words they use. Most likely, youll be able to pick up on whats most important for that school. Then compare the words you heard most often and see if they are also used in marketing materials and on the admissions section of the colleges website. Youll be amazed how easy it is to find the key words or phrases that schools emphasize over and over again. Write these words down and encourage your student to use them when writing application essays for the school, especially the Why this school essay. #3 Take notes. Putting together a school list is difficult, especially if all of the schools are running together in your mind.If your student won’t take notes, you should. #4 Talk to students. Especially those are not affiliated with the admissions office. Student tour guides are sometimes less than forthcoming with respect to a school’s shortcomings. Other students, those who do not work for the admissions office, may offer different (and less scripted) insights. #5 Pick up the school newspaper and skim it. Hopefully, you took clear, meaningful notes while sitting in the information session and taking the tour. All too often things were clear when you visited, but later everything is a blur. School newspapers differentiate the school and highlight issues students and the administration consider important. Referring to the college paper will come in handy, especially when you are answering that all too difficult supplemental question, â€Å"Why ABC College?† #6 Take the tour. It is a great way to get a sense of the campus. While on tour, be observant. Look for things that could send up red flags. Is the campus well cared for? That can be an indication of whether alumni give money to the school. Alumni who have had a great experience and feel that their school was part of their success often give back. #7 Attend the information session. Other than an interview, this is the closest most applicants get to the admissions committee. Take advantage of it. Ask thoughtful questions during, or better yet after, the information session. Get the speaker’s card and follow up with an email or note. The note will not get you in, but it will likely be included in your application and provides another data point on which your application will be evaluated. #8 Interview Even if it is not required. Interviewing showcases an important component of your application: interpersonal skills. These are difficult to demonstrate in an essay. If possible, interview with an admissions counselor on campus versus an alumnus. It will be, after all, a member of the admissions committee who will be evaluating your application. #9 Try an overnight stay. Sometimes the best way to get a sense of how you would fit in on campus is by staying overnight. Unlike anything else, it gives you a chance to experience a college’s classes, dorm life, campus safety, cafeteria food, and social life up close†¦blemishes and all. #10 Investigate the campus’s crime statistics and those of the surrounding neighborhood. Campus safety is important. Students need to feel safe when walking back from late-night study sessions or socializing. If the prospective student neglects to do that research, a parent should. Knowing the campus is safe will make everyone more comfortable.

Abigail Williams, the Villian of The Crucible by Arthur...

In writing short stories, novels, or plays, there are certain standards the writer comes to meet. He will choose a basic story element to go by; either man versus nature, man versus man, or man versus himself. Then, a setting that is appropriate to the writer is chosen, a place where the writer envisions the story happening. Inevitably the characters are introduced one by one, and the writer tries to convey their personality and instill a mental image for the reader. There have always been the heroes, the villains and the victims. Any story can revolve particularly around any of these, but often they all have roles that create equilibrium in the plot. However, in The Crucible, Arthur Miller did not need to create any such†¦show more content†¦Abigail Williams accuses all of these people with only two things in mind. One of them is her desperate desire to be in the spotlight at all times. ealthy motives are the reasons for the murdering of innocent people. Abigail Williams’ main cause for her wild accusations is a selfish one. It is to be with John Proctor, a married man with whom she has an affair. She is sent away but all she thinks of is being reunited with him. Abigail drinks blood, wishing to be with John Proctor, which could happen only if his wife Elizabeth died. She then, after committing adultery and contributing to the breaking of a marriage, is not through. Abigail pursues John and does not recognize that the affair is over. She conveys this in saying â€Å"I have something better than hope, I think!† (22). Abigail does not just miss her love, she becomes ruthless to get him back. Abigail William’s aggressive personality easily persuades the other girls to follow her footsteps, and back up anything and everything she says. This personality also frightens people in the courtroom to question her truthfulness, or her relation with John Proctor. Due to her forceful behavior, the girls support Abigail, and therefore become entangled in her web of lies, sins, and murders. There are not many people like Abigail Williams who could send people to their death and feel no remorse. With the exception of John

Act 2, Scene 3 of A Raisin in the Sun

Explore this plot summary and study guide for Lorraine Hansberrys play, A Raisin in the Sun, which provides an overview of Act Two, Scene Three. One Week Later - Moving Day Scene Three of the second act of A Raisin in the Sun takes place a week after the events of Scene Two. It is moving day for the Younger family. Ruth and Beantha are making last minute preparations before the movers arrive. Ruth recounts how she and her husband, Walter Lee, went to a movie the previous evening - something they have not done in a very long time. The romance in the marriage seems to have been rekindled. During and after the movie, Ruth and Walter held hands. Walter enters, filled with happiness and anticipation. In contrast to previous scenes during the play, Walter now feels empowered - as though he is finally steering his life in its proper direction. He plays an old record and dances with his wife as Beneatha pokes fun at them. Walter jokes with his sister (Beneatha aka Bennie), claiming that she is too obsessed with civil rights: WALTER: Girl, I do believe you are the first person in the history of the entire human race to successfully brainwash yourself. The Welcoming Committee The doorbell rings. As Beneatha opens the door, the audience is introduced to Mr. Karl Lindner. He is a white, bespectacled, middle-aged man who has been sent from Clybourne Park, the soon-to-be neighborhood of the Younger family. He asks to speak with Mrs. Lena Younger (Mama), but since she is not home, Walter says that he handles most of the family business. Karl Lindner is the chairman of a welcoming committee - an association that not only welcomes newcomers, but that also deals with problematic situations. Playwright Lorraine Hansberry describes him in the following stage directions: He is a gentle man; thoughtful and somewhat labored in his manner. (Note: In the film version, Mr. Lindner was played by John Fiedler, the same actor who provided the voice of Piglet in Disneys Winnie the Pooh cartoons. Thats how timid he is meant to seem.) Yet, despite his gentle mannerisms, Mr. Lindner represents something very insidious; he symbolizes a large portion of 1950s society who were believed they were not overtly racist, yet quietly allowed racism to thrive within their community. Eventually, Mr. Lindner reveals his purpose. His committee wants their neighborhood to remain segregated. Walter and the others become very upset by his message. Sensing their disturbance, Lindner hurriedly explains that his committee wants to buy the new house from the Youngers, so that the black family will make a healthy profit in the exchange. Walter is dismayed and insulted by Lindners proposition. The chairman leaves, sadly saying, You just cant force people to change their hearts son. Directly after Lindner exits, Mama and Travis enter. Beneatha and Walter teasingly explain that the Welcoming Committee of Clybourne Park cant hardly wait to see Mamas face. Mama eventually gets the jest, though she does not find it amusing. They wonder why the white community is so against living next to a black family. RUTH: You should hear the money those folks raised to buy the house from us. All we paid and then some. BENEATHA: What they think we going to do - eat em? RUTH: No, honey, marry em. MAMA: (Shaking her head.) Lord, Lord, Lord... Mama's Houseplant The focus of Act Two, Scene Three of A Raisin in the Sun shifts to Mama and her houseplant. She prepares the plant for the big move so that it wont get hurt in the process. When Beneatha asks why Mama would want to keep that raggedy-looking old thing, Mama Younger replies: It expresses me. This is Mamas way of recalling Beneathas tirade about self-expression, but it also reveals the affinity Mama feels for the enduring houseplant. And, even though the family may joke about the ragged condition of the plant, the family strongly believes in Mamas ability to nurture. This is evident by the Moving Day gifts they bestow upon her. In the stage directions, the gifts are described as: a brand new sparkling set of tools and a wide gardening hat. The playwright also notes in the stage directions that these are the first presents Mama has received outside of Christmas. One might think that the Younger clan is on the cusp of a prosperous new life, but there is yet another knock at the door. Walter Lee and the Money Filled with nervous anticipation, Walter eventually opens the door. One of his two business partners stands before him with a sobering expression. His name is Bobo; the absent business partner is named Willy. Bobo, in quiet desperation, explains the distressing news. Willy was supposed to meet Bobo and travel to Springfield to quickly obtain a liquor license. Instead, Willy stole all of Walters investment money, as well as Bobos life savings. During Act Two, Scene Two, Mama entrusted $6500 to her son, Walter. She instructed him to place three thousand dollars in a savings account. That money was meant for Beneathas college education. The remaining $3500 was for Walter. But Walter didnt just invest his money -- he gave all of it to Willy, including Beneathas portion. When Bobo reveals the news of Willys betrayal (and Walters decision to leave all of the money in the hands of a con-artist), the family is devastated. Beneatha is filled with rage, and Walter is wroth with shame. Mama snaps and repeatedly hits Walter Lee in the face. In a surprise move, Beneatha actually stops her mothers assault. (I say surprise move because I expected Beneatha to join in!) Finally, Mama wanders around the room, recalling how her husband had worked himself to death (and all apparently for naught.) The scene ends with Mama Younger looking up to God, asking for strength.

not available - 3379 Words

Final Exam Multiple Choice Review Questions (15%) CHAPTER 9 1. Facilities that rent shared space, services and management only to new businesses are called a. industrial parks. b. community development centers. c. shopping centers. d. business incubators. REF: p. 268 4. A good reason for relocating a typical manufacturing business is to a. stabilize income taxes. b. increase customer traffic. c. be closer to raw materials. d. provide free-flow space. REF: p. 267 6. For small service or retail businesses, the top priority in location decisions is a. personal preference. b. resource availability. c. customer accessibility. d. environmental conditions. REF: p. 264 7. Basic considerations that enter into the selection†¦show more content†¦Acquisition costs for new customers are huge. b. New customers spend more money than long-time customers. c. Order processing costs are lower for new customers. d. All of these. REF: p. 411 7. A basic idea forming the foundation of customer loyalty for small firms include the notion that a. superior customer service always leads to customer purchases. b. customer loyalty will mean constant customer satisfaction. c. small firms possess great potential for providing superior customer service. d. customer satisfaction is being ignored by large firms. REF: p. 412 10. Most customer service problems are identified by a. personal observation. b. outside consultants. c. customer complaints. d. entries in a suggestion box. REF: p. 417 29. Consumer tension that occurs immediately following a purchase is referred to as a. cognitive dissonance. b. post-purchase satisfaction. c. cognitive assessment. d. post-decisional distress. REF: p. 427 33. In what stage of the consumer decision making process is Josh when he becomes concerned if the video game he downloaded will be enjoyed by his friends? a. information search and evaluation b. need recognition c. post-purchase evaluation d. purchase decision REF: p. 427 36. Individual processes that ultimately give meaning to stimuli that confront consumers are known as a. perceptions. b. motivations. c. attitudes. d. opinions. p. 428 37. An enduring opinion that is based on a combination ofShow MoreRelatedSolving The Mortgage Products Are Available1257 Words   |  6 PagesTo understand what mortgage products are available, it is worthwhile to understand what they are comprised of; the repayment type and the interest rate. There are also taxes, lender fees and other costs. Firstly, mortgages vary by how you repay the capital, or money borrowed. There are three types of repayment plan: repayment, interest-only, or a hybrid of the two. 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Analysis of Emily Bronte´s Wuthering Heights - 623 Words

Book Review: Wuthering Heights This book deals a lot with love and revenge as evidently exhibited through the characters Heathcliff and Catherine. The book depicts the journey of societys social class. Catherine learns to love Heathcliff even though he is inferior to her. The reader discovers deep and affectionate motives within the novel. In my view it is a well annotated version of Emily Brontes classic about denied love between central characters Heathcliff and Catherine. Not a predictable love story, regardless of the version shown in films, it is a mix of Gothic drama and community’s explanations. The readers interest in the plot is maintained throughout and the character enlargement of Heathcliff which is superb, the readers sympathies shifting as the novel progresses. The novel spans two generations of families: the end of one, and the beginnings of another. This great novel, though not extremely long, and, contrary to general assumption, not extremely complicated, m anages to be a number of things: a romance that brilliantly challenges the basic assumption of the romantic; a gothic that evolves—with an absolutely inevitable grace—into its temperamental opposite; a parable of innocence and loss, and childhoods necessary defeat; and a work of consummate skill on its primary level, that is, the level of language. (Shinary, 1994) Heathcliff is a difficult character to like, but at the same time a character difficult to dislike. Hes crude, but he has the sortShow MoreRelatedAnalysis Of Emily Bronte s Wuthering Heights 1589 Words   |  7 PagesReading Analysis Wuthering Heights Tramel – 2nd period November 4, 2016 Introduction The self-consuming nature of passion is mutually destructive and tragic. 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The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations Free Essays

Research Reports The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations Leaf Van Boven, Thomas Gilovich, and Victoria Husted Medvec The authors examined whether negotiators are prone to an â€Å"illusion of transparency,† or the belief that their private thoughts and feelings are more discernible to their negotiation partners than they actually are. In Study One, negotiators who were trying to conceal their preferences thought that their preferences had â€Å"leaked out† more than they actually did. In Study Two, experienced negotiators who were trying to convey information about some of their preferences overestimated their partners’ ability to discern them. We will write a custom essay sample on The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations or any similar topic only for you Order Now The results of Study Three rule out the possibility that the findings are simply the result of the curse of knowledge, or the projection of one’s own knowledge onto others. Discussion explores how the illusion of transparency might impede negotiators’ success. I most cartoon depictions of negotiators in action (a tiny fraction of the cartoon universe, we admit), negotiators are shown with dialog bubbles depicting their overt comments and thought bubbles revealing their private thoughts. These conventions convey the different levels at which negotiators operate: Some of their wants, wishes, and worries are conveyed to the other side, but some are held back for strategic advantage. Because one task in negotiation is deciding how much information to hold back (Raiffa 1982), Leaf Van Boven is an Assistant Professor of Psychology at the University of Colorado, Boulder, Campus Box 345, Boulder, Colo. 80309. Email: vanboven@Colorado. edu. Thomas Gilovich is a Professor of Psychology at Cornell University, Department of Psychology, Ithaca, N. Y. 15850. Email: tdg1@cornell. edu. Victoria Husted Medvec is the Adeline Barry Davee Associate Professor of Management and Organizations at Northwestern University’s Kellogg School of Management, 2001 Sheridan Road, Evanston, Ill. 60201. Email:vhm@kellogg. orthwestern. edu. 0748-4526/03/0400-0117/0  © 2003 Plenum Publishing Corporation Negotiation Journal April 2003 117 it follows that part of the phenomenology of negotiation is monitoring how well one has conveyed what one wants to convey and concealed what one wants to conceal. Do negotiators know how well they have conveyed or concealed their preferences? Typically, negotiators know what they have and have not said, of course, so they may generally have a g ood idea what their partners know about their preferences. But how well calibrated are negotiators’ assessments of what they have conveyed and concealed? We explored one source of potential miscalibration, namely, whether negotiators experience an illusion of transparency, overestimating the extent to which their internal states â€Å"leak out† and are known by others (Gilovich, Savitsky, and Medvec 1998). Most research on the illusion of transparency shows that people overestimate their ability to conceal private information. But there is also evidence that people experience the illusion when trying to convey private information. Individuals who were asked to convey emotions with facial expressions alone overestimated observers’ ability to discern the expressed emotion (Savitsky 1997). Likewise, participants who were videotaped while exposed to humorous material thought they had been more expressive than observers subsequently rated them as being (Barr and Kleck 1995). These findings suggest that, when trying either to conceal or convey information, negotiators may experience an illusion of transparency, overestimating what their partners know about their preferences. Whether they do so is important, because previous research has shown that the likelihood of (optimal) settlement is often contingent on accurate perceptions of what others know about one’s own preferences (Bazerman and Neale 1992; Raiffa 1982; Thompson 1991). We conducted three different studies to examine whether negotiators experience an illusion of transparency in negotiations. Studies One and Three examined whether novice negotiators trying to conceal their preferences tend to overestimate the likelihood that their negotiation partners would be able to identify those preferences. Study Two investigated whether experienced negotiators attempting to communicate some of their preferences also succumb to an illusion of transparency. Study Three was also designed to distinguish the illusion of transparency from the â€Å"curse of knowledge,† or the tendency to project one’s knowledge onto others (Camerer, Loewenstein, and Weber 1989; Keysar and Bly 1995; Keysar, Ginzel, and Bazerman 1995). Specifically, we examined whether observers who are â€Å"cursed† with the same knowledge as the negotiators exhibit the same biases as the negotiators themselves. Study One Method Twenty-four previously unacquainted Cornell University undergraduates participated in pairs in exchange for course credit. Participants learned that 118 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations they would complete a negotiation exercise in which they would each represent the provost at one of two campuses of a multi-campus university system. Because of budget constraints, all of the system’s eight social psychologists needed to be consolidated at the two provosts’ universities. The provosts were to negotiate the distribution of the social psychologists between the two campuses. Participants were informed that some social psychologists were more valuable than others, and that some were more valuable to one campus than the other. These differences were summarized in a report describing the strengths and weaknesses of each psychologist and assigning each a specific number of points. The eight psychologists were among the fifteen most frequently cited in social psychology textbooks (Gordon and Vicarii 1992). To familiarize participants with the psychologist and his or her expertise, each psychologist was depicted on a 2- by 4-inch laminated â€Å"trading card† that displayed a picture of the social psychologist, his or her name, and two of his or her better-known publications. Each negotiator’s most and least valuable psychologists were assigned +5 and –5 points, respectively, and the other psychologists were assigned intermediate values. The experimenter said that all psychologists must be employed at one of the two universities because all were tenured. The most and least valuable psychologists were not the same for the two negotiators; the correlation between how much each of the eight psychologists was worth to the two participants was . 79. Participants were told that they should conceal their report, which was somewhat different from the other participant’s report. Because pilot testing indicated that many participants were unsure how to negotiate, we showed them a five-minute videotape of a staged negotiation in which two confederates bartered over who would get (or be forced to acquire) each psychologist. Confederates were shown trading cards actively back and forth. Participants were given as much time as they needed to negotiate, usually about 30 minutes. They were told that several prizes would be awarded at the end of the academic term (e. g. , a $50 gift certificate to the Cornell book store, dinner for two at a local restaurant) and their chance of winning a prize corresponded to the number of points they earned in the negotiation. We asked participants both early in the negotiation (after approximately five minutes) and at the end to name their partner’s most valuable and least valuable psychologists. At both times, we also asked them to estimate the likelihood (expressed as a percentage) that their partner would correctly identify their most and least valuable psychologists. We pointed out that the probability of correct identification by chance alone was 12. 5 percent. Question order was counterbalanced, with no effect of order in any of our analyses. Negotiation Journal April 2003 119 Results and Discussion Our key analysis was a comparison of participants’ mean estimates to a null value derived from the overall accuracy rate. Participants can be said to exhibit an illusion of transparency if their estimates, on average, are higher than the actual accuracy rate. As predicted, negotiators overestimated their partners’ ability to detect their preferences, but only after the negotiation was complete (see Table One). Early in the negotiation, individuals slightly underestimated (by 2 percent) the likelihood that their partners would correctly identify their most valuable psychologist and slightly overestimated (by 8 percent) the likelihood that their partners would identify their least valuable psychologist. Neither of these differences was statistically reliable. 1 Following the negotiation, participants overestimated the probability that their partners would identify correctly their most and least valuable psychologists by 14 percent and 13 percent, respectively. Both of these differences were statistically reliable. That is, the probability that negotiators overestimated by pure chance how much their partners knew about their preferences is less than . 05 (the t statistics for these two comparisons are 3. 16 and 3. 30, respectively). Negotiators thus experienced an illusion of transparency at the end of the negotiation, overestimating their partners’ ability to discern their preferences. Table One Negotiators’ estimates of the likelihood that their partners would be able to identify their most and least valuable social psychologists, and the corresponding percentages actually able to do so. Estimated % Early negotiation Most valuable Least valuable Post negotiation Most valuable Least valuable 72%* 76%* 58% 63% 69% 58% 71% 50% Actual % Note: * indicates that the estimated percentage is reliably greater than the corresponding actual percentage, p . 5 120 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations These findings extend earlier research on the illusion of transparency, showing that negotiators believe their inner thoughts and preferences â€Å"leak out† and are more discernible than they really are. This result was obtained only during the second assessment, but we do not wish to make too much of this finding. First, it is hardly surprising because, at the time of the initial assessment, most groups had yet to engage in much discussion of specific candidates, and thus there was little opportunity for participants’ references to have leaked out. Furthermore, it was only participants’ estimates of the detectibility of their least valuable psychologists that rose predictably (from 58 to 76 percent) from early in the negotiation to the end — an increase that was highly statistically reliable (t = 3. 78). Their estimates of the detectibility of their most valuable psychologists stayed largely the same across the course of the negotiation (from 69 to 72 percent) and it was only a decrease in identification accuracy (from 71 to 58 percent) over time that led to the difference in the magnitude of the illusion of transparency. These subsidiary findings may result from the usual dynamics of the negotiation process: Negotiators typically focus initially on the most important issues, postponing a discussion of less important issues or of what they are willing to give up to obtain what they want until later in the negotiation. This would explain why negotiators felt that they had already leaked information about their most important psychologists early in the negotiation, but that a similar feeling of leakage regarding their least important psychologists took longer to develop. This tendency might also explain why it may have been relatively easy for the negotiators to discern one another’s â€Å"top choices† early in the discussion. It may have been harder to do so later on, after the negotiators discussed all of the psychologists and the various tradeoffs between them. Study Two In Study One, participants experienced an illusion of transparency when they were instructed to conceal their preferences from their partners. In many negotiations outside the laboratory, however, negotiators often attempt to communicate rather than conceal their preferences. In fact, negotiation instructors often advise MBAs and other would-be negotiators to communicate information about their preferences. Do negotiators experience an illusion of transparency when they attempt to communicate rather than conceal their preferences? Past research has shown that people experience an illusion of transparency when trying (nonverbally) to convey thoughts and feelings in settings outside negotiations (Barr and Kleck 1995; Savitsky 1997). We therefore examined whether negotiators attempting to communicate some of their preferences, whose efforts at communication are not limited to nonverbal channels, would likewise experience an illusion of transparency. Negotiation Journal April 2003 121 As part of a classroom exercise, MBA students in negotiation courses completed a complex six-party negotiation simulation (Harborco, a teaching tool available from the Clearinghouse of the Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School, www. pon. org). The course emphasized the importance of negotiators communicating some of their preferences to one another in negotiations. Prior to the Harborco negotiation, students had engaged in numerous other exercises in which their failure to convey information resulted in nonoptimal settlements. To verify that the Harborco negotiators were attempting to communicate information about their preferences, we asked 22 Cornell and Northwestern University MBA students (not included in following study) who had just completed the Harborco negotiation to indicate which strategy they engaged in more: an information-sharing strategy (attempting to communicate their preferences to others), or an information-hiding strategy (attempting to conceal their preferences from others). Everyone indicated that they used the information-sharing strategy more. We hypothesized that the same psychological processes that lead novice negotiators trying to conceal their preferences to experience an illusion of transparency would also lead experienced negotiators trying to communicate at least some of their preferences to experience a similar illusion. We thus predicted that participants would overestimate the number of other negotiators who could correctly identify their preferences. Method Two hundred and forty MBA students at Cornell and Northwestern completed the Harborco simulation, negotiating whether, and under what circumstances, a major new seaport would be built off the coast of a fictional city. There were six parties to the negotiation. The negotiator who represented Harborco (a consortium of investors) was most central. A second negotiator, representing the federal agency that oversees the development of such seaports, had to decide whether to subsidize a $3 billion loan Harborco had requested. The other negotiators represented the state governor, the labor unions from surrounding seaports, the owners of other ports that might be affected by a new seaport, and environmentalists concerned about the impact of a new seaport on the local ecology. The negotiation involved five issues, each with several options of varying importance to the six parties. For each negotiator, points were assigned to each option of each issue. Student performance was evaluated according to the number of points accumulated. For example, the most important issue to the Harborco representative was the approval of the subsidized loan (worth 35 points for approval of the full $3 billion, 29 points for approval of a $2 billion loan, etc. ); the second most important issue was the compensation to other ports for their expected losses due to the new seaport (worth 23 points for no compensation, 15 points for compensation of $150 million, 122 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations etc. ). The Harborco negotiator’s preference order for the five issues was somewhat different from the preference order of the other five negotiators. Participants were given approximately one and a half hours to reach an agreement. They were required to vote on a settlement proposed by the Harborco negotiator at three points during the negotiation: after 20 minutes, after one hour, and at the end. A successful agreement required the approval of at least five negotiators. Any agreement that included the subsidized loan required the approval of the federal agency representative. The Harborco negotiator could veto any proposal. The dependent measures, collected after the first and final rounds of voting, concerned the Harborco negotiator’s estimates of the other negotiators’ identification of his or her preference order. The Harborco negotiators estimated how many of the other five negotiators would identify the rank ordering (to the Harborco negotiator) of each issue — for example, how many would identify the approval of the loan as their most important issue? We made clear that one negotiator would guess the exact importance of each issue by chance alone. Meanwhile, each of the other negotiators estimated the issue that was most important to Harborco, second most important, and so on. Figure One Number able to identify each issue 5 4 3 2 1 0 Predicted Number Actual Number ird co nd rth co nd Th ird th Fo ur h Fi rs Fi rs Fi ft Fi rs Th Se Fo u First Round ISSUE IMPORTANCE Predicted and actual number of negotiators able to identify correctly the importance of each issue to the Harborco negotiator after the first and final rounds of voting. Results and Discussion The dashed lines in Figure One indicate that, as predicted, the Harborco negotiators’ estimate of the number of other negotiators who could identify the rank of each issue was greater than the actual number of negotiators able Negotiation Journal April 2003 123 Se Second Round Fi ft h t t t to do so (as indicated by the solid lines). Following the first round of voting, the Harborco negotiators overestimated the number of their fellow negotiators able to identify the importance — to them — of all mid-range issues. All these differences were statistically reliable (all ts 2. 0). Negotiators did not overestimate the number of negotiators able to identify their most and least important issues. Following the final round of voting, Harborco representatives overestimated the number of negotiators able to identify their four most important issues. This overestimation was statistically reliable for the four most important issues (all t 2. 25), an d was marginally reliable with a probability level of . 14 for the least important issue (t = 1. 5). These findings replicate and extend those of Study One and of previous research on the illusion of transparency. Experienced negotiators who were attempting to convey (rather than conceal) their preferences to other negotiators tended to overestimate the transparency of those preferences. Study Three We contend that negotiators’ overestimation of their partner’s ability to discern their preferences reflects an egocentric illusion whereby negotiators overestimate the transparency of their internal states. An alternative account is that negotiators experience a â€Å"curse of knowledge,† overestimating the knowability of whatever they themselves know (Camerer et al. 989; Keysar and Bly, 1995; Keysar et al. 1995). Negotiators may thus overestimate the discernibility of their preferences because they cannot undo the knowledge of their own preferences, not because they feel like their preferences â€Å"leaked out. † Studies One and Two provide some evidence against this alternative interpretation because participants did not significantly overestimate their partnersâ€⠄¢ ability to discern their preferences early in the negotiation — when they were â€Å"cursed† with the same knowledge, but had little opportunity for their preferences to leak out. To provide a more rigorous test of this alternative interpretation, Study Three employed a paradigm in which observers were yoked to each individual negotiator. The observers were informed of their counterpart’s preferences and thus were â€Å"cursed† with the same abstract knowledge, but not with the phenomenology of having — and possibly leaking — the negotiators’ preferences. After watching a videotaped negotiation between their yoked counterpart and another negotiator, observers estimated the likelihood that their counterpart’s negotiation partner would identify their counterpart’s preferences. We expected that observers’ estimates would be lower than actual negotiators’ estimates because observers would not have the experience of their preferences â€Å"leaking out. † 124 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations Method Twenty-four previously unacquainted Northwestern University undergraduates participated in pairs in exchange for the opportunity to earn between $4 and $13, based on their performance in the negotiation. Negotiators were taken to separate rooms and given instructions for the negotiation. The negotiation was similar to that used in Study One, except that it involved a buyer-seller framework, with which we felt our participants would be familiar. Participants learned that they would act as a provost of one of two campuses of a large university system. Because of budget cuts, the larger of the two campuses (the â€Å"seller†) needed to eliminate fifteen of its 35 psychology department faculty. Because the fifteen faculty were tenured, they could not be fired, but they could be transferred to the smaller of the two campuses (the â€Å"buyer†), which was trying to acquire faculty. Participants were to negotiate over the fifteen psychologists â€Å"in play†; any faculty not acquired by the buyer would remain at the seller’s campus. Participants were given a report that described each psychologist and his or her associated point value. Some of the psychologists had a positive value to buyers and a negative value to sellers, others had a positive value to both, and still others had a negative value to both. Participants were told that they should not show their confidential reports to the other negotiator. Participants earned 25 cents for every positive point and had to pay 25 cents for every negative point they accumulated. To give buyers and sellers an equal chance to make the same amount of money, we endowed sellers with an initial stake of $10 and buyers with an initial stake of $4. If buyers obtained all nine of the beneficial faculty and none of the four costly faculty (two were worth 0 points) they earned an additional $8, for $12 total. Similarly, if the sellers eliminated all eight costly faculty and retained all five beneficial faculty (two were worth 0 points) they earned $2, for $12 total. If no agreement was reached, sellers retained all faculty, losing $6, and buyers acquired no psychologists, leaving both with $4. As in Study One, we gave participants laminated trading cards with a picture of each psychologist and two of that psychologist’s better-known works on the back. The fifteen faculty members, although in reality all social psychologists, were arbitrarily divided into the three subdisciplines of social, clinical, and human-experimental psychology. We designed the payoffs so that the sychologist within each discipline who the buyer most wanted to obtain was not the psychologist the seller most wanted to eliminate. To encourage participants to obtain or retain psychologists across the three disciplines, sellers were offered an additional two points if they eliminated at least one faculty member from each discipline, and an additional four points if they eliminated at least two from each discipline. Similarly, buyers were offered an additional two points if they acquired at least one faculty Negotiation Journal April 2003 125 member from each discipline, and an additional four points if they acquired at least two from each discipline. Thus, maximum earnings for buyers and sellers were $13 (the $12 earned by accumulating all possible positive points, no negative points, plus the $1 bonus). After negotiators understood their task, they were brought together and given as long as they needed to negotiate a division of the fifteen psychologists, usually about 20 minutes. Afterward, buyers estimated the likelihood (expressed as a percentage) that the seller would correctly identify the psychologists from each subdiscipline who were the most and least important for the buyer to obtain; sellers estimated the likelihood that the buyer would correctly identify the psychologists from each subdiscipline who were the most and least important for the seller to eliminate. Participants were told that the chance accuracy rate was 20% percent. Buyers were also asked to identify the psychologists from each subdiscipline who were the most and least important for the seller to eliminate, and sellers were asked to make analogous judgments about the buyers’ incentive structure. Control Condition. Twelve pairs of previously unacquainted Northwestern undergraduates were paid $6 and â€Å"yoked† to one of the 12 pairs from the negotiation condition — one student matched to the buyer and one to the seller. Participants read the instructions given to t heir yoked counterpart (either the buyer or seller) in the actual negotiation before viewing their counterpart’s videotaped negotiation. Participants then made the same estimates as their counterparts in the negotiation condition, identifying the psychologists from each subdiscipline who were most and least important for their counterpart’s negotiation partner to acquire (or eliminate), and estimating the likelihood that their counterpart’s negotiation partner would be able to guess the psychologists in each subdiscipline who were most and least important for their counterpart to obtain (or eliminate). Results Negotiators. As anticipated, negotiators exhibited an illusion of transparency. As can be see in the left and right columns of Table Two, buyers and sellers overestimated their partners’ ability to identify their most important psychologists by 20 percent — both statistically reliable differences (ts= 3. 58 and 3. 45, respectively). Buyers and sellers also overestimated the likelihood that their partner would be able to identify their least important psychologists by 4 percent and 25 percent, respectively, with only the latter result statistically reliable (t = 4. 34). Control participants. Control participants displayed a â€Å"curse of knowledge,† overestimating the likelihood that their counterpart’s negotiation partner would correctly identify their counterpart’s preferences (compare the center and right columns of Table Two). This was particularly true for 126 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations those yoked to sellers: They reliably overestimated the likelihood that their yoked counterparts’ negotiation partners would identify their counterparts’ most and least important psychologists by 12 percent and 19 percent, respectively (ts = 2. 58 and 4. 9). Control participants who were yoked to buyers, in contrast, did not overestimate the likelihood that their yoked counterparts’ negotiation partners would overestimate their counterparts’ preferences. Table Two Participants’ estimates of the likelihood that their negotiators’ partners were able to identify the negotiat ors’ most and least important psychologists, and the corresponding percentages actually able to do so. Negotiators’ Estimates Control Estimates Actual Accuracy Most Important Buyers Sellers Least Important Buyers Sellers 62% 68%* 56% 63%* 58% 42% 70%* 59%* 53% 51%* 50% 39% Note: * indicates that the estimated percentage is reliably greater than the corresponding actual percentage, p . 05 More important, in every case the control participants’ estimates (overall M = 56 percent) were lower than the actual negotiators’ estimates (overall M = 64 percent) — a statistically reliable difference (t = 2. 53). Thus, negotiators overestimated the transparency of their preferences more than yoked observers who were â€Å"cursed† with the same knowledge, but did not have the same subjective experience as negotiators themselves. Discussion The results of Study Three indicate that negotiators’ overestimation of their partners’ ability to discern their preferences stems from both a curse of knowledge and an illusion of transparency. Observers who were provided with the same abstract knowledge as the negotiators — those provided with Negotiation Journal April 2003 127 abstract information about sellers’ preferences at any rate — overestimated the likelihood that those preferences would be detected. However, this effect was not as strong as that found for actual negotiators’ estimates. Those participants, possessing more detailed knowledge about how it felt to want to obtain some psychologists and avoid others, apparently thought that some of those feelings had leaked out to their partners because they made significantly higher estimates of the likelihood of detection than the observers did. Negotiators experience an illusion of transparency over and above any curse of knowledge to which they are subject. What Does it All Mean? These three studies provide consistent support for an illusion of transparency in negotiations. Undergraduate students who were instructed to conceal their preferences thought that they had â€Å"tipped their hand† more than they actually had (Studies One and Three). Likewise, business students experienced in negotiation who were attempting to communicate information about some of their preferences overestimated how successfully they had done so (Study Three). These results are not due to an abstract â€Å"curse of knowledge† because observers who were cursed with the same knowledge as the negotiators did not overestimate the detectibility of the negotiators’ preferences to the same extent as the negotiators did (Study Three). The illusion of transparency is thus due to the sense that one’s specific actions and reactions that arise in the give-and-take of negotiation — a blush here, an averted gaze there — are more telling than they actually are. These results complement and extend findings by Vorauer and Claude (1998) who examined participants’ ability to estimate how well others could discern their general approach to a joint problem-solving exercise — i. e. , whether they were most interested in being assertive, being fair, being accommodating, and so on. They found that participants thought their goals would be more readily discerned than they actually were. Their findings, however, appear to reflect a curse of knowledge rather than an illusion of transparency because their participants’ estimates of the detectibility of their own goals were just the same as those made by observers who were simply informed of the participants’ goals. The Vorauer and Claude findings should not be surprising since their participants did not actually engage in face-to-face interaction. Instead, each participant exchanged notes with a â€Å"phantom† other, whose responses were crafted by the experimenters. Without interaction, it is difficult see how an illusory sense of transparency could emerge. Vorauer and Claude’s studies, along with the results of Study Three, suggest that the curse of knowledge can likewise lead to exaggerated estimates of how readily one’s negotiation partner can discern one’s own perspective on the negotiation (Keysar et al. 1995). 128 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations It is important to note that both the illusion of transparency and the curse of knowledge reflect people’s difficulty in getting beyond their privileged information. In the curse of knowledge, this information is abstract knowledge of one’s beliefs, preferences, or goals; in the illusion of transparency, this information is more detailed, phenomenological knowledge of how one feels or how difficult it was to suppress a particular reaction. At one level, then, it may be fair to characterize the illusion of transparency as a special case of knowledge — more detailed and affect-laden — with which one is cursed. At another level, however, the differences between the two phenomena may be sufficiently pronounced that there is more to be gained by viewing them as distinct. Ultimately, a more complete understanding of the relationship between the curse of knowledge and illusion of transparency must await the outcome of further research. Future research might also further examine the underlying mechanism proposed for the illusion of transparency. Gilovich et al. (1998) attribute the phenomenon to a process much like Tversky and Kahneman’s (1974) anchoring and adjustment heuristic. When attempting to ascertain how apparent their internal states are to others, people are likely to begin the process of judgment from their own subjective experience. Because people know that others are not as privy to their internal states as they are themselves, they adjust from their own perspective to capture others’ perspective. Because such adjustments tend to be insufficient (Tversky and Kahneman 1974; Epley and Gilovich 2001), the net result is a residual effect of one’s own phenomenology, and the feeling that one is more transparent than is actually the case. This account suggests that the illusion of transparency should be particularly pronounced when the internal state being assessed is one that is strongly and clearly felt, such as when negotiating especially important issues. In addition, future research might examine the impact of the illusion of transparency on negotiation processes and outcomes. Thompson (1991) has shown that when negotiators have different priorities, negotiators who provide information about their priorities to their partners fare better than those who do not. The illusion of transparency may lead negotiators to hold back information about their priorities in the mistaken belief that one has conveyed too much information already. By leading negotiators to believe that their own preferences are more apparent than they really are, the illusion of transparency may give rise to the belief that the other side is being less open and cooperative than they are themselves — which may lead each negotiator to hold back even more. The process can thus spiral in the wrong direction toward greater secrecy. Negotiation Journal April 2003 129 It may be advantageous, then, for negotiators to be aware of the illusion of transparency. If negotiators know they tend to conceal less than they think they do, they may open up a bit more and increase their chances of reaching optimal agreements. In other words, knowing that one’s own â€Å"thought bubbles† are invisible to others can lead to more successful negotiations. NOTES This research was supported by Research Grant SBR9319558 from the National Science Foundation. We thank Tina Rackitt her help in collecting data and Dennis Regan for his comments on an earlier draft. 1. Because the data for each pair of negotiators are interdependent, all analyses in this and subsequent studies used the dyad (or group) as the unit of analysis. 2. A t statistic is a measure of how extreme a statistical estimate is. Specifically, a t is the ratio of the difference between a hypothesized value and an observed value, divided by the standard error of the sampled distribution. Consider negotiators’ estimates, following the negotiation, that their negotiation partner had a 72 percent chance of correctly identifying their most valuable psychologist. Because, in actuality, egotiators identified their partners’ most valuable psychologist only 58 percent of the time, the difference between the hypothesized value (58 percent) and the observed value (72 percent) is 14 percent. The standard error, in this case, is the standard deviation of the difference between a negotiators’ predicted likelihood and the actual likelihood (the average squared difference betw een these two scores), divided by the square root of the sample size. In general, t statistics more extreme than 1. 96 are statistically reliable — that is, the probability that the observed difference is due to chance alone is less than . 5. 3. We also asked negotiators to estimate which subdiscipline was most important to their partner, and to estimate the likelihood that their partner would discern correctly their own preference order vis-a-vis the three subdisciplines. During debriefing, however, participants said they found these questions confusing because they did not parse the 15 faculty according to their subdiscipline, but instead focused on the value of each individual faculty. These responses are therefore not discussed further. REFERENCES Barr, C. L. and R. E. Kleck. 1995. Self-other perception of the intensity of facial expressions of emotion: Do we know what we show? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 68: 608-618. Bazerman, M. H. and M. Neale. 1992. Negotiating rationality. New York: Free Press. Camerer, C. , G. Loewenstein, and M. Weber. 1989. The curse of knowledge in economic settings: An experimental analysis. Journal of Political Economy 97: 1232-1253. Epley, N. and T. Gilovich. 2001. Putting adjustment back in the anchoring and adjustment heuristic: An examination of self-generated and experimenter-provided anchors. Psychological Science 12: 391-396. Gilovich, T. D. , K. K. Savitsky, and V. H. Medvec. 1998. The illusion of transparency: Biased assessments of others’ ability to read our emotional states. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 75: 332-346. Gordon, R. A. and P. J. Vicarii. 1992. Eminence in social psychology: A comparison of textbook citation, social science citation index, and research productivity rankings. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 18: 26-38. Keysar, B. and B. Bly. 1995. Intuitions about the transparency of intention: Linguistic perspective taking in text. Cognitive Psychology 26: 165-208. Keysar, B. , L. E. Ginzel, and M. H. Bazerman. 1995. States of affairs and states of mind: The effect of knowledge on beliefs. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 64: 283293. Raiffa, H. 1982. The art and science of negotiation. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press. 130 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations Savitsky, K. 1997. Perceived transparency of and the leakage of emotional states: Do we know how little we show? Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cornell University. Thompson, L. 1990. An examination of naive and experienced negotiators. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 26: 528-544. ———. 1991. Information exchange in negotiation. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 27: 161-179. Tversky, A. and D. Kahneman. 1974. Judgment under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases. Science 185: 1124-1131. Vorauer, J. D. and S. Claude. 1998. Perceived versus actual transparency of goals in negotiation. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 24: 371-385. Negotiation Journal April 2003 131 How to cite The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations, Papers

MAtrix Essay Example For Students

MAtrix Essay The Matrix Interweaves much symbolism, mythology, philosophy, and psychology. On the surface, the movie challenges the dominance of technology in our culture and predicts an apocalyptic result from the use of artificial intelligence. Yet, behind the human struggle for survival is a mythical backdrop upon which are backlit some of C.G. Jungs basic ideas regarding the human psyche. These Jungian ideas include the ego-Self relationship and how it relates to the persona, the shadow, individuation, and the transcendent function. The earth has been decimated due to a battle for control of the earth between the AIs and humans; the Matrix camouflages this decimation. Humans are artificially created and sustained by the AI superstructure. Then they are plugged into a computer. A computer program generates a simulated reality called the Matrix. Humans live their lives in this computer-generated reality, but this reality is only in their minds. In fact, humans are kept in mechanical eggs filled with an amniotic-like fluid. The AI infrastructure keeps humans alive to tap the energy they produce. The strangers are a group of humans who have escaped the Matrix. Their leader is named Morpheus. Neo is believed by Morpheus to be the savior, The One (The Matrix). An oracle (also an escaped human) predicted long ago that a savior would come, a sort of second coming, and that he would be able to see through the Matrix and bring it down. The oracle told Morpheus that he would find The One. One question, which threads through the movie, is whether or not Neo is The One. Neo is asleep at his desk at home in one of the first scenes. A computer monitor next to him flashes repeatedly the simple text: Wake up Neo (The Matrix). The message is an instruction from the Self. The sleeping man is in ego mode, a symptom of an egocentric psyche. He is unaware of the possibility that there is something else besides the ego and he has not yet awoken to the possibility that there is another world o utside of the persona he lives behind. The theme of Neo as a Jesus Christ figure plays throughout the movie. In Edingers opinion, Christ was a figure who represented the individuating ego. The image of Christ, and the rich network of symbolism which has gathered around him, provide many parallels to the individuation process. When the Christian myth is examined carefully in the light of analytical psychology, the conclusion is inescapable that the underlying meaning of Christianity is the quest for individuation (131). The reference to Jesus Christ in this scene implies that Neo represents the human psyche beginning the individuation process. Neo meets a woman named Trinity at the party. Trinity tells Neo that she is aware of his desire to know what the Matrix is. Its the question that brought you here. What is the Matrix? (The Matrix). Trinity is the one who will lead him towards the underworld. Jung called the her a soul figure, one that occupies an area or boundary between the pe rsonal unconscious and the collective unconscious. Trinity is also associated with a persons calling or fate. Trinity, as a three figure, is incomplete. Jung writes, the number three is not a natural expression of wholeness, since four represents the minimum number of determinants in a whole judgment (Storr 275). Jung believed that the number four represented wholeness in the human psyche. If one were to re-arrange the name Neo slightly, it would be the word one The separateness of the numbers one and the three in the movie, of Neo and Trinity, represent an incompleteness in the human psyche. As we shall see, the joining of Neo and Trinity is what effects the change necessary for Neo to overcome his adversaries at the end of the film. Early resistance of the ego characters occurs after Neos initial recruitment by Morpheus group. Neo has a meeting with his manager after arriving late to work. His manager says, You have a problem with authority, Mr. Anderson (The Matrix). Neo is his alias as a computer hacker; his name in the real world is Thomas Anderson. The manager tells Mr. Anderson in no uncertain terms that he will lose his job if he is late again. The manager is an ego defense mechanism attempting to re-gain control over Neos distraction of the intrusion by the unconscious (Trinity). Ironically, during this scene, window washers are cleaning the windows on this high-rise building, which distracts Neo. I believe that the window-washing image implies that he is getting some clarity and that he sees things a bit more clearly. The stakes are raised higher as AI agents arrive (more ego defenses) to take in Mr. Anderson for questioning. Morpheus attempts to help; he calls Neo on a cell phone and attempts to direct him out of the building before the agents can get to him. This is a conflict between the unconscious figure represented by Morpheus and the ego defenses represented by the AI agents. The AI agents capture Neo. The agents names are Smith, Brown, and Jones. I believe that these common names imply a collective face of society lacking in individuality. They are de fenses of the ego, there to keep Neo under control so he doesnt discover what is really happening. He is interrogated in a, bland room with yellowed fluorescent lighting. Agent Smith tells Neo that he has two personalities. One personality is a tax-paying citizen who goes to work everyday. The other personality is a computer hacker who has broken every hacker law imaginable (The Matrix). Hes told that one of his personalities has a future and the other does not. Its his choice. This split of Neo and Mr. Anderson also demonstrates Jungs concept of the persona. The persona is a complicated system of relations between individual consciousness and society, fittingly enough a kind of mask, designed on the one hand to make a definite impression upon others, and, on the other, to conceal the true nature of the individual (Storr 94). The persona is a public sense a self, the self that an individual displays to the world. Everybody has a persona, but if one believes that the persona is all t hat ones personality is composed of, then the individual is too adjusted to the outer world and not enough to their inner world. In this case, Mr. Anderson is the persona, the mask worn by Neo in the outer world. Neo meets Morpheus face to face. He is a black man and represents a figure of the shadow, another Jungian concept. The shadow is a part of the personal unconscious that retains discarded parts of the personality. Oftentimes the shadow contains parts of the personality that have not been accepted by parental or authority figures during childhood. Thus, the shadow tends to contain aspects that are uncomfortable for persons to face or relate to. The shadow aspects may be considered immoral from the viewpoint of the ego, which tends to consider itself of the highest morals. The shadow is merely somewhat inferior, primitive, unadapted, and awkward, not wholly bad (Storr 90). Consider the reconciliation of opposites, the ego and the shadow, to be a difficult but significant task for individuals. The shadow binds up personal energy; becoming aware of the shadow and integrating its aspects allows the psyche to free up more psychic energy. This allows for changes and a broadening of the personality. The shadow characters name Morpheus implies change. When Neo meets Morpheus and chooses to find out what the Matrix is, he is choosing to face his shadow and to change. Morpheus goes on to describe what the Matrix is. He says, The Matrix is all around us. Its like projected psyche created by man. It has been pulled over your eyes to shield you from the truth (The Matrix). The Matrix is a psychic reality created by the AI creatures that control earth. The psychic reality is projected into the minds of the humans who actually live like fetuses inside these egg-like containers. Humans experience what they perceive to be reality, but in fact is only a reality created by a computer to keep humans satisfied. Thus, the agents of the ego (AI) are responsible for projecting a false world, a front, in order to control humans. The ultimate goal of the AI creatures is to reap the energy that humans naturally produce to keep the AI infrastructure operative. The Matrix is a description of psychic projection. In Jacobi, she defines projection as: the unconscious, automatic extrapolation of a psychic content into an object, as an attribute of which it then appears to us. He projects everything that is unconscious in man into an object situated outside his ego, so that the phenomenon of projection is a part of the natural life of the psyche, a part of human nature itself (48n). For example, shadow contents are often projected onto others. A Christian perceive that someone who does not accept Jesus Christ as their savior to be demonic or evil; these feelings of evil or demonism that a fundamentalist perceives as belonging to others are their own feelings or emotions of evil projected from their personal shadow. For years, during the rule of the Soviet Union an d the Cold War, citizens of the United States projected their collective shadow or collective feelings of evil onto citizens of the Soviet Union. During the colonization of Africa, Europeans projected their primitive shadows onto the black Africans they encountered, assuming the Africans to be uncivilized and animal-like. The ego is oftentimes unaware that projections are occurring. The humans that the AI creatures control are also unaware that the Matrix exists. The humans physically live in a womb-like, pre-birth status but in their minds perceive reality as the Matrix. This state of existence is like the pre-individuated ego, before the birth of awareness of the Self. In the film, Neo is released from his womb with the assistance of Morpheus and his comrades. The lid of the egg opens, he raises his head, covered in thick clear liquid, and he looks around. He finds himself in an enormous grid of countless eggs occupied by humans. A series of cords pop from his spine and a long met al tip is pulled from the back of his skull. He then slides down a tube and lands in a pool of water. He nearly drowns, but is pulled up, through a trap door, dripping wet, into the Nebuchadnezzar, the underwater ship that Morpheus and his group live in. This scene is filled with images of a painful separation and re-birth that leads to a path of individuation for Neo. Jung wrote, conscious and unconscious do not make a whole when one of them is suppressed and injured by the otherBoth are aspects of lifeThis means open conflict and collaboration at oneIt is the old game of hammer and anvil: between them, the patient iron is forged into an indestructible whole, an individual'(Storr 225). In Jungs words, it individuation is a process or course of development arising out of the conflict between the two fundamental psychic facts (Storr 225). The two psychic factors he referred to were the conscious and unconscious. It is also important to note that Jung considered individuation a lifelo ng process, not a task with a definite end. Neos path of individuation passes through a painful re-birth process. It leaves him feeling alienated from his former sense of reality. Whenever a man consciously encounters a divine agency which assists, commands, or directs, we can understand it as an encounter of the ego with the Self. The encounter generally occurs in the wilderness or in a fugitive state, i.e., alienation (Edinger 70). It takes time for Neo to recover from his shock of his new understanding of the world. His thought patterns are turned inside out. His muscles and mind have atrophied. Neo is cared for and nursed back to health by Morpheus group. Even his eyes are not working properly. Neo asks, Why are my eyes so sore? The answer: Because youve never used them before (The Matrix). Hes now developing an eye toward his inner world. Once Neo physically recovers, he is trained and taught many new skills by Morpheus gang. This gang represents figures from the personal uncon scious. But there is also a group of freed humans who live deep inside the earths core in a human community named Zion. Zion is only talked about and never seen in the film. The Zion of historical times is described as symbolic of heaven or Gods dwelling-place with his people (Columbia Encyclopedia 3042). Zion is symbolic of the Self. The Self is a central organizing principle and is the central archetype of the human psyche. Edinger described the Self as the self-ordering and unifying center of the total psyche (conscious and unconscious) (3). Also, the Self is the seat of objective identity. The Self is thus the supreme psychic authority and subordinates the ego to it (3). The Self is connected with themes such as wholeness, totality, the union of opposites, the central generative point, the world navel, the axis of the universe (4). In a religious sense, the Self is the god-image. . Neo, Morpheus group, Zion, and even the AI agents are parts of the Self since the Self is the tot ality of psychic existence. Yet the central archetype of the movie is Zion. Like an archetype, it is never directly experienced, but it is the ordering principal and force behind the renegade acts of the free humans. The near final scene in the movie features a one on one battle between Neo and an AI agent. The agent shoots Neo several times. Neo slumps to the floor and dies. He has no heartbeat. Trinity, his soul figure, reveals to Neo that he must be The One because the oracle told her that she would fall in love with The One. Since she loves him, he must be The One. She kisses him. He resurrects and comes back to life. Neo rejoins the battle and his mind is freed of believing that the reality projected by the Matrix is real. He sees through the projection, sees through the imagined power of the agents, and finally destroys the Agent who had killed him. I believe that this scene is interesting for two reasons. One, it joins Trinity and Neo together, forming a four, as well as join ing the feminine and masculine. The number four symbolizes wholeness in the human psyche. Two, the scene demonstrates Jungs transcendent function. Jung discusses how the knowledge of symbols is indispensable, for it is in them that the union of conscious and unconscious is consummated. Out of this union emerge new situations and new conscious attitudes. I have therefore called the union of opposites the transcendent function' (Storr 226). Neo has battled the AI agents before but they have outwitted him. He is limited by his previous projections of them as power figures. The kiss, symbolically a transcendent function, joins him with Trinity in a union of the opposites and forming a four, wholeness. He transcends his previous limitations and is able to see the AI agents for what they are. He withdraws his projections, restores the personal power previously projected onto the agents, and finally defeats the AI agents. The final scene of the film shows Neo in a telephone booth (superman figure?). This is his message to the AI infrastructure: I know youre out there. I can feel you now. I know that youre afraid. Youre afraid of us. Youre afraid of change. I dont know the future. I didnt come here to tell you how its going to end. I came here to tell you how its going to begin. Im going to hang up this phone and show people what you dont want them to see. Im going to show them a world without you. A world without rules and controls, without borders or boundaries. A world where anything is possible. Where we go from here is a choice I leave to you (The Matrix). Neo has become an individuated ego. He negotiated a series of challenging psychic experiences to grow out of his former egocentric attitude. His statement speaks of an awareness of the ego as well as a sense of Self. He even refers to the ego field as scared and seems to be compassionate of the egos fear. But he wants to live without the rules and control of the ego. Works Cited Chernow, Barbara and Vallasi, Ge orge, eds. The Columbia Encyclopedia. 5th Ed. Columbia UP, 1993. Edinger, Edward F. Ego and Archetype. Boston: Shambhala, 1992. Jacobi, Jolande. Complex/Archetype/Symbol in the Psychology of C.G. Jung. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1974. Jung, C.G. The Essential Jung. Ed. A. Storr. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1983. . Memories, Dreams, Reflections. New York: Vintage, 1961. The Matrix. Dir. Larry and Andy Wachowski. Perf. Keanu Reeves, Laurence Fishburne. Warner Brothers, 1999.